Tuesday, March 29, 2011
A Report On The International Colour Chart
Marcela Lagarde: A class compromise
Genero con Clase
Being female, black communist and not so simple to Davis during the 70's in them is not anything EEUU.Pero easy to whom they are today.
Angela Davis endured exploitation and repression in a capitalist state that has the harshest persecution against the communist movement.
Similarly, today, black women and women from around the world are exploited by a capitalist system using racism and sexism to segregate the working class, atomize and make negligible.
Angela Davis was jailed and accused of giving weapons to Jonathan Jackson, who had participated in a kidnapping in order to free other activists of the black liberation movement. His trial was one of the most emblematic of that era is remembered as created massive solidarity networks that supported Davis. After several attempts to stop it, the powerful could never stop it. Racism and capitalism
Davis participated in the movement against the Vietnam War, but was a member of the Black Panther, where Davis began to develop his political thinking. The peace movement that was created to end racial segregation in South America, led by Martin Luther King, suffered a major crackdown and part of that movement was necessary to take up arms to defend themselves. The Black Panther took a radical position of self-defense that was closely related to the advancement of his political theory. While other groups talked about the end of racism in the abstract, the Black Panther related the the racist capitalist exploitation.
Davis once said that "the only true path for liberation of black people is working towards the complete abolition of the capitalist class in this country. "This fighter was the prospect of class to the center of any debate over exploitation. What distinguishes Davis from other feminist activists is that she was able to discern with great foresight that racist and sexist exploitation intrinsic to capitalism.
Sexism and Class
In his book "Women, Race and Class, Angela Davis traces the history of black women workers and their relation to white feminist activists bourgeoisie. Davis explains that the suffrage movement, which began in U.S. in the early nineteenth century, was developed entirely from black women workers in the field. For the latter, the political demands and the use of the ballot at the polls did not involved a change in the situation of economic exploitation that had to endure every day. Thus, in his book, explains: "the blinding power of ideology made him incapable [a bourgeois feminists] to understand that working women like black women, were essentially linked to the men who shared the class exploitation and racist oppression and any discrimination between the sexes. " Claiming that the liberation of women passing through the overthrow of the capitalist system carries risks that Davis decided to take a feminist. Not only was she. Lucy Parsons Anita Whitney, Claudia Jones, etc.
are examples of working women who were aware of the strength of the class struggle to achieve real liberation of women from all yokes: the capital, race, sex ... Aware of the need for unity with our partners to achieve a world without classes and differences that segregate and we spray. 
Genero con Clase
Being female, black communist and not so simple to Davis during the 70's in them is not anything EEUU.Pero easy to whom they are today.
Angela Davis endured exploitation and repression in a capitalist state that has the harshest persecution against the communist movement.
Similarly, today, black women and women from around the world are exploited by a capitalist system using racism and sexism to segregate the working class, atomize and make negligible.
Angela Davis was jailed and accused of giving weapons to Jonathan Jackson, who had participated in a kidnapping in order to free other activists of the black liberation movement. His trial was one of the most emblematic of that era is remembered as created massive solidarity networks that supported Davis. After several attempts to stop it, the powerful could never stop it. Racism and capitalism
Davis participated in the movement against the Vietnam War, but was a member of the Black Panther, where Davis began to develop his political thinking. The peace movement that was created to end racial segregation in South America, led by Martin Luther King, suffered a major crackdown and part of that movement was necessary to take up arms to defend themselves. The Black Panther took a radical position of self-defense that was closely related to the advancement of his political theory. While other groups talked about the end of racism in the abstract, the Black Panther related the the racist capitalist exploitation.
Davis once said that "the only true path for liberation of black people is working towards the complete abolition of the capitalist class in this country. "This fighter was the prospect of class to the center of any debate over exploitation. What distinguishes Davis from other feminist activists is that she was able to discern with great foresight that racist and sexist exploitation intrinsic to capitalism.
Sexism and Class
In his book "Women, Race and Class, Angela Davis traces the history of black women workers and their relation to white feminist activists bourgeoisie. Davis explains that the suffrage movement, which began in U.S. in the early nineteenth century, was developed entirely from black women workers in the field. For the latter, the political demands and the use of the ballot at the polls did not involved a change in the situation of economic exploitation that had to endure every day. Thus, in his book, explains: "the blinding power of ideology made him incapable [a bourgeois feminists] to understand that working women like black women, were essentially linked to the men who shared the class exploitation and racist oppression and any discrimination between the sexes. " Claiming that the liberation of women passing through the overthrow of the capitalist system carries risks that Davis decided to take a feminist. Not only was she. Lucy Parsons Anita Whitney, Claudia Jones, etc.
are examples of working women who were aware of the strength of the class struggle to achieve real liberation of women from all yokes: the capital, race, sex ... Aware of the need for unity with our partners to achieve a world without classes and differences that segregate and we spray.
Thursday, March 24, 2011
How To Construct A Zulu Hut
The big trap ....
Lunatika and Witch
1. vote for us citizens? What is citizenship?
2. The only way to get involved? is partisan elections or politics?
4. Nosotrxs think that what we do is the most bitchen and the rest do nothing?
5. Think. to represent me I should "be part of their campaigns?
6. I have no right to think that I do not care about elections.
7. If I have a political stance not to recognize "democracy" like everyone else, it's because I made the bed. ULUGRUN!
8. Impose my ideas discrediting the position of the otrxs.
9. Following speeches and activism of liberal democracies and advocate deconfigured little country, maps of power, empowerment, fodas.
10. Think I can not think for myself.
Wednesday, March 23, 2011
Agreement Letter Of A Car
Mirror, Mirror
By Tania Hernández
On a night like this, exactly one year, Reina asked this same mirror what he had done wrong to stop its magic. Were already Many moons, since the eyes of her husband had ceased to speak of empires and romantic castles in the sky. Had long been his look made her feel the most beautiful of the universe. The reflection of the bed behind her, brought back memories of nights of passion with her husband, like a ravenous wolf, by eating and drinking Him complete, drop by drop, sensuality binge. What had happened?
Someone had told him that he had been told that he had heard that there was a white, white skin and white name, with beautiful black hair and red lips, beautiful, the most beautiful, and Queen wanted to see, wanted to know who he was. For excuse, on the morning of that day, had come to the office of her husband, with the catalog of makeup from a friend. White Blanqui , Whitey, as he imagined that he would call, I bought a lipstick color of apples. A Queen's jealousy poisons the soul.
spent the night talking to the mirror, looking at other physical reasons for the replacement, for exile. This woman, with her husband spent that night and many nights we did not come to bed, was much more beautiful. That told the mirror, that He told daily from the contempt. Every hour of abandonment felt that Reina was older, fatter, more witch. Hatred, which could have been liberating, and it came at last, at dawn, wrong destination. With all her heart began to hate his own image.
Friends Luckily, luckily, divorce, and therapy, and that women in the group, days of tears, the months of anger and renewal, for now, a year then Queen can return to the mirror and smile. Regained self-perception, and now reigns in name and in its reflection, and life and body.
Sometimes yes, think White, now "Nieves", which, perhaps in the near future, will also sit in front of the mirror, wondering, where the hell was magic. A bit of jealousy you have left, but Reina does not have much time for envy. Perfecting your daily new magical skills, trying out new concoctions and recipes emotional, it is proposed to become an expert in love spells .. . itself.
Sunday, March 20, 2011
Right Word For 1st Death Anniversary
Marriage and female dependence
Coral Herrera
" Marriage is the tomb of passionate love "
Benedetto Croce.
The nineteenth century marriage became fashionable. Until then, marriage was an exclusive practice of the wealthier classes, who have property, need to legalize a financial contract between two families who join through his descendants. Marriage has traditionally been an institution based on genetic exchange and reproductive activity, and in the exchange of goods and property of the family patrimony.
marriages were, therefore, not for kings and queens, counts and countess, marquis and marquis, viscount, etc. They were public events that normally had political consequences for states and relevant to the daily lives of its citizens.
wedding Through these links you configure and unconfigure the realms, they changed the maps of the time, and wrestled the political affairs of the rulers of each country. Now that countries are no longer owned by the monarch, the royal wedding yet still retain its symbolic power, because their television viewing continues to sell a very specific model couples, heterosexual, mongámico idealized, keeping the dreams of women who want to be princesses.
And the funny thing is that since its inception, and to Romanticism, love and marriage had nothing to do. Love has never been a requirement to sign the contract between two families. In fact, many authors defend the idea that love has always been a phenomenon born out of wedlock, ie adulterous character, an example of this is courtly love, which we still remains in our culture amatory.
In marriage, financial matters were on the one hand, and other love affairs. Has been true throughout history until the trend changed, and today the majority of couples are united by love (in Spain, for example, love is mentioned in surveys as the main reason to join someone legally .)
Early attempts to institutionalize the marriage took place in Europe around the twelfth century, in the heart of the Christian religion. According Amando de Miguel (1998), polygamy began to lose acceptance in the eighth century, and monogamy was making its way slowly, especially in most of the Jewish communities (except English).
On the other hand, the practice of concubinage was common in the Mediterranean world, so common that it is rare to find true common-law contracts in the notarial records of the late Middle Ages, according to Leah Otis-Cour (2000). In Italy a generation of jurists of Ferrara defended its legitimacy, but in France, Germany and England the ecclesiastical courts prosecute those cohabiting men, many of these cases ended in marriage.
According Otis-Cour (2000), in Northern Europe most cohabiting relationships appear to have been comparable to marriage, it was even common for lovers to share their properties as spouses. When I had children, however, were able to marry to avoid bastardy or illegitimacy. Over time, concubinage was progressively degraded social and symbolically, the fifteenth century was an era of progressive hardening of the moral norms, both by the ecclesiastical authorities as well as intellectuals and civil authorities.
was around the twelfth and thirteenth centuries when instituted marriage as an indissoluble sacrament. There began the struggle of the Christian Church against concubinage, polygamy and incest, the clergy wanted to avoid inbreeding of the powerful, who married each other creating large concentrations of land and wealth.
You tried that classes take the same habits as the upper classes, but as we have seen, people in the Middle Ages did not like to marry, preferring adopting relations freely without mediation of any external factor such as state or church. Because the resistance of the population, the Church had to offer a compelling reason for farmers to agree to regularize their situation with the religious authorities, or at least a motivation to conceal the necessity of the Church's presence in all important moments in people's lives: births, marriages, funerals ...
legitimating theory of the sacrament of marriage is based on introducing the erotic as a sin, thus condemning sex outside the reproductive task. The emphasis was on love, which was erected as an important factor between the spouses. Since they would remain all his life working the land together, it was best that they did in harmony, getting along, respecting each other, looking out for each other.
In the eighteenth century, when the middle class acquired ownership and increased in number, the nobility and the wealthy bourgeoisie, did not conceal at all the convenience in marriage. Eduard Fuchs, in his "Illustrated History of Sexual Morality" (1911), provides plenty of examples to document "how cynically dispensed throughout the slightest ideological dissimulation, avoiding the use of the word love in the wedding, sometimes even prohibited, as something ridiculous and outdated. (...) In the case of small and medium bourgeoisie can not speak of such cynicism. Here the commercial nature of marriage is fraught with ideological embellishment. The man said a long time courting a girl, talk only of love, gain the respect of the girl whose hand was sought and demonstrated how to win her love was worth it. "
way we see how when you can not by force is better to use more subtle means: to seduce women love and mythologized figure of the happy marriage. The second step was legal and economic subjection of women to men through marriage. This really affected mainly the bourgeoisie, because the farmers were tilling the soil together and they had no property to bequeath to their descendants.
The third stage, the key moment was when the consent was instituted as the basis of marriage: that's when love and marriage were firmly united. The contracting began to choose partners, and the heads of family left to decide the fate of the lives of their children, men and women began to choose their degree of affinity and feelings. Thanks to this freedom was legalized the myth of love, which finally invisible economic dimension of marriage and not make it more sentimental than contractual.
is true that the economic dimension is taken into account only when people marry for love with someone from a much higher social class, then there are people who gives his suspicions. If a lower class man joins a high-class woman often social rumors be "married for money", "marries for prestige", "marriage for money be returned, etc.. As with the boyfriend of the Duchess of Alba, in that in addition to social and economic differences, it takes more than thirty years. Otherwise, the example of the royal wedding of Crown Prince English with a working class woman from Madrid, many may think he is in love, but she is an ambitious woman.
Love has a dimension not only economic but also political: people are attracted and falls for people with power and resources. It is logical in a society where property exists private, and where competition is the norm. Falling in love with a person with resources, according to sociobiologists, is an adaptive advantage that arises from cruelty and injustice of an unequal system that prevails in the pecking order.
The lack of female autonomy (a bourgeois women were not left work and wages of the workers have always been lower than men) has fostered economic dependence of women about their parents or husbands. Marriage has always been, until the massive incorporation of women into the labor market, a way of salvation because to be chosen by a man meant having secured the resources for women and children and daughters. Stay
spinster was a disgrace that undermined a woman's self esteem, because it is identified as failed, rare, social or lesbian victims. In patriarchal society, the "ladies" have more status than unmarried women, and the wedding ring is a treasure that patriarchal men gave to a woman, but they do with anyone or any price.
In Hollywood movies always portrayed men as eternal poachers, people who flee to the gallop of the commitment until his age have no choice but to lay his head next to a good woman. Meanwhile, good women as a condition imposed by the ring to be together: "I give you my virginity, you give me the ring." It is a difficult task (soften his heart to be left wanting to know and appreciate the tenderness that she offered), but in the end happy heroines achieve it with kindness, self-sacrifice, discretion, and above all, loyalty.
are many stories that have made us believe that the most important day in the life of a woman is her wedding. Interestingly, married women are also excited about the wedding outside because although their marriage has not been a panacea for happiness, still believe in the myth that the best demonstration love of a man to marry a woman. So women are more likely to become disenchanted with the marriage because they put more expectations than men who identify less romantic adventure with a commitment to marriage.
And yet, despite the fact that marriage is always as the highest aspiration of life and professional women, I have not been studied in depth the benefits of marriage for men, they get, I believe, many more women. In traditional marriage, married men to get a domestic worker who cares for them, giving them children, feed them, dress them, they bare home awaits.
The problem lies in what each hopes of marriage. Now that women can work and some can be financially independent, have a next man is not enough reason to give up the freedom of being single. Women say they want to marry for love and an intense, deep and romantic, despite the impossibility of maintaining the passion of the home for years. When it decays with the passage of time and togetherness, there is frustration that marriage hangs in the air, an upset when it became clear that harmony and happiness in marriage is a story we told.
Today, it is women who stand divorces, and many people returning to love again and remarry, believing he has finally found eternal love is not exhausted or lapsed. This utopia of marriage as a source of happiness is paradoxical, because everyone knows the numbers of divorces and separations, but it would not desist in our idea of \u200b\u200bfinding the mate, the ideal person, the perfect match to fill us completely and forever.
According to Denis de Rougemont (1976) The peculiar feature of marriage in the twentieth century was that tried to reconcile romantic love with marriage, when concepts are contrary to each other, because the passionate love expires and marriage is designed to last forever. Marriage offers stability, security, daily life, a certainty that the other person is willing to share with us your life and your future. However passionate love is a love based on contingency, the fear of losing a loved person, the desire to possess the inaccessible, the delirium seized, mystical ecstasy, the extraordinary experience we disrupts the daily routine.
is why there is a crisis of bourgeois marriage, backed by the number of divorces that occur, according to De Rougemont. Many lay a passionate hope in love tamed that do not match the reality because of these expectations comes the frustration. A human cost us resign ourselves to the idea that you can not have everything at once: safety and excitement, stability and drama, excitement and routine. So I think there is no crisis, just the opposite, that marriage is a rally today, even gays and lesbians have wanted to join the practice.
Despite the idealization of marriage, it is now more consumer device, a sentimentalized and idealized ritual then reveals his real difficulty, because all human relationships are painful, difficult, beautiful, breakable, indestructible intense and complicated.
If you also are not perfect beings, how we create structures perfect sentimental?. The fact is that we feed ... utopias.
Wednesday, March 16, 2011
Pedestal Fan Electricity Use
PROFESSOR CARLOS RENE ROMAN SALAZAR MISSING SECTION XXII
Oaxaca de Juarez, City of the Resistance. At approximately 18:30 hours on March 14, fellow teacher René Román Carlos Salazar, left his home in the village of Santa Cruz Xoxocotlan laurels, aboard his gray Mazda van with license plates State TWS 4400 Puebla, the teacher is assigned to the CEDES of Section 22 of SNTE-CNTE and until this moment is as disappeared.
Edge of 20:00 hours on Monday 14, Professor Carlos René, contacted the companion of the Guadalupe Bautista Ramirez Assistant Agency Section 22, by mail, informed him that the rain was very strong at that time was in the direction of Santa Rosa without further mishap.
But his wife, teacher Marisol Contreras Ricardez in the early hours of yesterday and no response to the overnight cell phone mate Carlos Rene, he contacted Professor James Chepi Azael, who gave directed by Prof. Gustavo Tomas Hernandez Cruz Secretary for Legal Affairs to take charge of the case.
The head of the Secretariat for Legal Affairs, so consequently had immediately contacted the commissioner of the State Police and the Attorney Mr. Manuel López López, just as it was told to the PGR and Federal Highway Police, who on the stroke of 13:00 pm gave no positive responses. Therefore the teacher Marisol Contreras Ricardez supported directly by the SRIO. General Section 22 by the Technical Secretary and the owner of the Sria. Legal Affairs, and Mr. Daniel Sosa Rafael lawyer herself, she moved to the Attorney to be served directly by the Attorney General with the presence of Mr. Alfredo de la Rosa, Advisor to the Governor Gabino Cue and file the appropriate report.
Among the advances achieved, we integrated the preliminary inquiry. 70/SM/2011, before the Public Prosecutor Angel Eduardo Garcia Lopez, Deputy Attorney General assigned to the North Zone by Lic Victor Altamirano, where the teacher Marisol Ricardez corroborates described above and which states that Professor: Carlos Rene since approximate time 4 years living with him whenever he is absent always communicates where you also stresses his exemplary conduct and indicates that Prof. Carlos Rene told him that day attending a meeting with the SRIO. General Section 22, was also present to declare the Guadalupe Baptist CEDES partner 22 to reaffirm the message that took about 20 hours before yesterday, above the presence of the director of the AEI, Otilio Ogarrio Diaz who said the investigation would address immediately.
statement ends approximately at 18:35 hours and then coordinate with the PGR on the edge of 22:50 hours, the instances cited in this bulletin reaffirm that until then is no trace of gray Mazda, and Professor Carlos Rene Salazar Román, so that Section 22 in general, be alert and attentive to what is investigated and results thereof.
ATTE Prof. Gustavo Tomas Hernandez Cruz
SRIO Legal Affairs Section 22
"EDUCATION FOR THE SERVICE OF THE PEOPLE"
STATES AND ORGANIZED OVERCOME!
PRESS AND PROPAGANDA SECTION XXII
Funny Dinner Invitation Message
REFLECTIONS ON THE LEFT IN THE PRE-ELECTION CONTEXT
By Leon Quimi
In Albedrio.org
The political moment we are experiencing is so complex that we need a collective effort to create spaces that allow us to reflection, debate and action policy. The latest political and social events in the country have demonstrated the contradictions within the ruling bloc, while demonstrations and new forms of organization - community, women, peasants, have a potential to take into account to recover the dreams and think about building an alternative. But first we have to fine tune the lens critical of our practice
Where did we come?
The rise of revolutionary movements in the region resulted in 80 in Guatemala with a fierce policy of "state terrorism" that led to the most cruel application of counterinsurgency policies and war crimes, with the systematic disappearance of social leaders, indigenous peoples complete. The defeat "election" of the Sandinista Revolution and the signing of peace accords in Guatemala and El Salvador supposed demobilization of the revolutionary movement under the "replacement military dictatorships with democracies national security restricted subject to transnational mechanisms of domination. "(i)
Thus, the Guatemalan left, like the rest in Latin America, faced the reality of failure of Soviet socialism and impact of the implementation of the neoliberal model. As a result, in the words of Eric Hobsbawm, generated an ideological crisis that Emir Sader called "the greatest contemporary historical drama" by the apparent scope of capitalism and the decline in the possibilities of constructing an alternative for overcoming it.
Failure in the electoral arena
The possibility that the party (or parties) of the left, to become the alternative project that was intended, seems now almost impossible. An account of the performance of the turnout in the 1995 elections, 1999, 2003 and 2007 shows that the political party as a chance to promote a political project that represents the needs of the people, has not worked.
The period begins with the end of the war and the "incorporation" with the law, was full of confusion .- There was little political or ideological certainties on how would the conditions for the struggle in the new scenario. Guidance to shape the party, the Guatemalan National Revolutionary Unity-URNG was without reading the successes and failures of the previous period, with the turnout of New Guatemala Democratic Front-FDNG, "that would enable critical reflection on how to deal with voter turnout at a disadvantage to meet "the two central pillars of the dominant system, the neoliberal model and U.S. imperial hegemony." (Ii)
What has led to the left to the margins? The causes are multiple, hence the need to think from the story. But now, it is necessary to take stock of efforts to drive.
The "Call for the establishment of the Political Front - Left Social - FPSI" (iii) in September 2006, signed by over 200 people was an effort to build a force that brought together the political left and the social left, as an indispensable step for attaining unity, regain his identity and renew their thinking. This effort became the Broad Movement of Left-CORN-made up of representatives of sectors, women, indigenous peoples, youth. But there was no possibility, nor will conditions for renewal. Began to identify old practices such as authoritarianism, warlordism, sectarianism, the compromises and the conspiracy did not recognize feminism, indigenous peoples and youth as a major force within the Left. The dynamics are reduced to struggles to get some nominations.
The result was the weakening of the original effort that could become an alternative to foster a long term project. Corn was the hegemony of the URNG, which legalized as political association. Some time later there were efforts to revive the spirit on the FPSI emerged, there were some meetings, but failed to bear fruit.
UNE, the left and the upcoming elections
The deepening economic crisis, compounded the already precarious condition of the country, passing through a period of strong instability, which characterizes the dispute power for control of the state, business and capital gains between the traditional and the emerging mafia. (iv) These sectors are moving within all right-wing parties. The government of Colombia does not escape largely represent the interests of these sectors. (V) speech it uses and the impulse of some welfare programs could be said that "it is to the left of the neoliberal right business or counter the neoliberal right. (vi) But shares in the economic and social place their project as" accumulation capitalist benefit emerging business sectors with which it identifies (vii). "To defend not hesitate to resort to repression and military and police control the state of prevention in San Marcos or San Juan militarization Sacatepéquez.
In this new scenario, the electoral situation is we open the debate on the possible ways to advance a project that may, in the long term consolidation as an alternative. Already beginning to be felt, the polarizing discourse that characterized this process as well as the forces and the powers behind every one of the most important alternatives.
Among the forces that constitute the heterogeneity of the current government is a group of people from the Left, which "accompany the first lady, introducing political and ideological elements of popular content and make party activities a view to electoral success. Some of them are involved in the conduct of cohesion mechanisms social, but fail to prevent those who do get stuck with a portion of what they deliver. "(viii) The presence corresponds to a trend that has been observed in the last three governments, to introduce elements from left to legitimize . In this case, we can talk about pre-election negotiations, from the race the UNE established links with the Unit for Trade Union and Popular Action (UASP) and the National Assembly of the Magisterium and was tacitly supported by the Collective of Social Organizations (COS). ( ix) Then organizations like the Movement of Social Organizations of Guatemala - MOSGUA-supported so-called national dialogue.
Now, ahead of elections, the political left, represented by URNG, ANN, the collective "Red Carnation" and called the Guatemalan Labor Party, have formed the Committee Unitary Left, where they called on "all grassroots organizations that share the same goal, to overcome the differences that separate them and form a United Front Great for sovereignty, equality and social justice. "(x) On the other hand, there is the New Republic Movement, identified as" the new left "of democratic and revolutionary character, who want to become a party.
probably the objectives of these efforts are geared towards building electoral alliances with the UNE, probably as a consolidation strategy to consolidate some sections of the Left. And it seems the only chance of political survival in this scenario. Some other people would argue that as 4 years ago is "least worst option," the great weakness is that this is not if you want a strategy of consolidation of democratic forces gradually, while "stop the rise of the forces more conservative right. " Some other sectors likely to get more benefits for your membership and dues power.
Rethinking the left from the unit
Is this the solution? "Joining a project such as the UNE is beneficial to the Left? We always exceed the joint and we turn to activism, but the severity of the situation requires more careful thinking. The state of the left party politics, marginal and almost missing have to do with the impossibility that we had to build an alternative that is able to bring all left and democratic.
share the view of Marta Harnecker (xi) that crisis has three aspects-the theoretical, programmatic and organic-that must be overcome.
The theoretical crisis being experienced by the left, have to do with the schemes used for the analysis of reality, they were automatically imported in the past, the prevailing approach of the class struggle, where the working class would be leading the fight against capitalism and imperialism. The analysis of the scope of racism and patriarchy as systems of domination that potentiate each other, is still quite behind. Besides the absurdity remains that continue to exclude very important sectors as indigenous people, women or youth, except for considering them as a potential electoral base.
South Winds: everything that happens in Bolivia, Ecuador and Venezuela, give us the ability to think from a context similar to ours: they are driven alternative efforts within the rules of bourgeois democracy and social movements . Many of these proposals have been made with the participation of Guatemalan movement, participating in networks, alliances and continental meetings of indigenous peoples, women, environmentalists, etc. We could say that some of the basic program that will give meaning to the project has been generating and arguing from the rural sectors, indigenous, feminist, proposals such as food sovereignty, the struggle for rights and immigrant advocacy of land and territory against agribusiness and mega-projects, and other forms of dispossession and accumulation of capital, the struggle for independence, the construction of multinational states, feminist democracy are some of these alternatives.
This should lead us to think about the subject that will drive the project to enable a real alternative in this context and the elements we have for consolidation. What do these elections strategic sense and the real possibilities to provide first steps.
other words, we must overcome the partisan logic of thinking in terms of seats or spaces in public affairs to propose a long-term project in which the election is just one of the tracks, and perhaps not most important. Until there is a strong political subject, with long-term project that includes strategies for short and medium term it may get a few things, maybe some progress, but not build any alternative that is counter-hegemonic.
One possibility would be to think of a face again with unit characteristics, which can read the potential and options that have existed in the local resistance and various organizational expressions of indigenous peoples, the women's movement and society to be mobilized.
That is, build political power and social force to strengthen the political subject, no avant-garde pretensions. A project that involves thinking about the cultural and symbolic transformation to erode racism and patriarchy. To transform. This objective can not be achieved by voluntarism and spontaneous, and calling for unity by the urgency of the electoral situation. "In real politik must oppose a policy which, while being realistic without denying reality, you create the conditions for conversion. "(xii) In making alliances, should be fully aware of the process on which to build thinking is key.
These partnerships must be the result of collective discussion and conscious and not a few people, negotiated by the left, organizations or communities. URNG, the ANN, New Republic Movement should finally be able to read reality beyond them. The election is barely a step in the strategy. Those of us outside these areas, the effort is similar, must necessarily be collective.
And this should happen, to tune the critical lens, supported by appropriate history and a reading of reality. Review and overcome great difficulties weights and internal political practices that have put the kibosh on the project left as inclusive and representative of the needs of the majority. While not renewed, not just the leadership but his thinking, as women, indigenous peoples and youth are also excluded from major of the left, the panorama, is becoming darker and more complex.
is possible in the new scene to recover the dreams of living a more just society. But this requires opening the debate political, generate critical political thinking attitude that allows us to rethink our struggles and take firm steps in the construction of a new possibility that we articulate.
(i) Regalado, Roberto. And disagreements of the Latin American left. Ocean Press and Ocean Sur. 2008.
(ii) Sader, Emir. El Nuevo Topo, the ways of the Latin American left. CLACSO. Twenty First Century Publishers. SA 2009.
(iii) September 10, 2006.
(iv) This characterization is the director of the Institute of National Studies of the University of San Carlos de Guatemala, Adrián Zapata.
(v) To deepen and understand the alliances and interests of different sectors see the items in Luis Solano Circles of power in the government of Alvaro Colom and National Unity of Hope (UNE) and Fernando Solís "The government of Alvaro Colom's National Unity for Hope (UNE): A political reading" The Observer No. 11 and 12. February-April 2008.
(vi) Ibarra, Figueroa. "On the Threshold of postneoliberalism? Left government in Latin America. F & G Editores. FLACSO - Guatemala. 2010.
(vii) Ibid.
(viii) Monsanto, Pablo. Prepares the oligarchic right way. Guatemala, April 6, 2010.
(ix) Ibarra, Figueroa. "On the Threshold of postneoliberalism? Left government in Latin America. F & G Editores. FLACSO - Guatemala. 2010
(x) Press Bureau Unitary Left. A male and female workers. May 1, 2010.
(xi) Harnecker, Marta. Left at the threshold of the XXI Century, Making the impossible possible. Spain's Siglo XXI editors. SA 2000. 
In Albedrio.org
The political moment we are experiencing is so complex that we need a collective effort to create spaces that allow us to reflection, debate and action policy. The latest political and social events in the country have demonstrated the contradictions within the ruling bloc, while demonstrations and new forms of organization - community, women, peasants, have a potential to take into account to recover the dreams and think about building an alternative. But first we have to fine tune the lens critical of our practice
Where did we come?
The rise of revolutionary movements in the region resulted in 80 in Guatemala with a fierce policy of "state terrorism" that led to the most cruel application of counterinsurgency policies and war crimes, with the systematic disappearance of social leaders, indigenous peoples complete. The defeat "election" of the Sandinista Revolution and the signing of peace accords in Guatemala and El Salvador supposed demobilization of the revolutionary movement under the "replacement military dictatorships with democracies national security restricted subject to transnational mechanisms of domination. "(i)
Thus, the Guatemalan left, like the rest in Latin America, faced the reality of failure of Soviet socialism and impact of the implementation of the neoliberal model. As a result, in the words of Eric Hobsbawm, generated an ideological crisis that Emir Sader called "the greatest contemporary historical drama" by the apparent scope of capitalism and the decline in the possibilities of constructing an alternative for overcoming it.
Failure in the electoral arena
The possibility that the party (or parties) of the left, to become the alternative project that was intended, seems now almost impossible. An account of the performance of the turnout in the 1995 elections, 1999, 2003 and 2007 shows that the political party as a chance to promote a political project that represents the needs of the people, has not worked.
The period begins with the end of the war and the "incorporation" with the law, was full of confusion .- There was little political or ideological certainties on how would the conditions for the struggle in the new scenario. Guidance to shape the party, the Guatemalan National Revolutionary Unity-URNG was without reading the successes and failures of the previous period, with the turnout of New Guatemala Democratic Front-FDNG, "that would enable critical reflection on how to deal with voter turnout at a disadvantage to meet "the two central pillars of the dominant system, the neoliberal model and U.S. imperial hegemony." (Ii)
What has led to the left to the margins? The causes are multiple, hence the need to think from the story. But now, it is necessary to take stock of efforts to drive.
The "Call for the establishment of the Political Front - Left Social - FPSI" (iii) in September 2006, signed by over 200 people was an effort to build a force that brought together the political left and the social left, as an indispensable step for attaining unity, regain his identity and renew their thinking. This effort became the Broad Movement of Left-CORN-made up of representatives of sectors, women, indigenous peoples, youth. But there was no possibility, nor will conditions for renewal. Began to identify old practices such as authoritarianism, warlordism, sectarianism, the compromises and the conspiracy did not recognize feminism, indigenous peoples and youth as a major force within the Left. The dynamics are reduced to struggles to get some nominations.
The result was the weakening of the original effort that could become an alternative to foster a long term project. Corn was the hegemony of the URNG, which legalized as political association. Some time later there were efforts to revive the spirit on the FPSI emerged, there were some meetings, but failed to bear fruit.
UNE, the left and the upcoming elections
The deepening economic crisis, compounded the already precarious condition of the country, passing through a period of strong instability, which characterizes the dispute power for control of the state, business and capital gains between the traditional and the emerging mafia. (iv) These sectors are moving within all right-wing parties. The government of Colombia does not escape largely represent the interests of these sectors. (V) speech it uses and the impulse of some welfare programs could be said that "it is to the left of the neoliberal right business or counter the neoliberal right. (vi) But shares in the economic and social place their project as" accumulation capitalist benefit emerging business sectors with which it identifies (vii). "To defend not hesitate to resort to repression and military and police control the state of prevention in San Marcos or San Juan militarization Sacatepéquez.
In this new scenario, the electoral situation is we open the debate on the possible ways to advance a project that may, in the long term consolidation as an alternative. Already beginning to be felt, the polarizing discourse that characterized this process as well as the forces and the powers behind every one of the most important alternatives.
Among the forces that constitute the heterogeneity of the current government is a group of people from the Left, which "accompany the first lady, introducing political and ideological elements of popular content and make party activities a view to electoral success. Some of them are involved in the conduct of cohesion mechanisms social, but fail to prevent those who do get stuck with a portion of what they deliver. "(viii) The presence corresponds to a trend that has been observed in the last three governments, to introduce elements from left to legitimize . In this case, we can talk about pre-election negotiations, from the race the UNE established links with the Unit for Trade Union and Popular Action (UASP) and the National Assembly of the Magisterium and was tacitly supported by the Collective of Social Organizations (COS). ( ix) Then organizations like the Movement of Social Organizations of Guatemala - MOSGUA-supported so-called national dialogue.
Now, ahead of elections, the political left, represented by URNG, ANN, the collective "Red Carnation" and called the Guatemalan Labor Party, have formed the Committee Unitary Left, where they called on "all grassroots organizations that share the same goal, to overcome the differences that separate them and form a United Front Great for sovereignty, equality and social justice. "(x) On the other hand, there is the New Republic Movement, identified as" the new left "of democratic and revolutionary character, who want to become a party.
probably the objectives of these efforts are geared towards building electoral alliances with the UNE, probably as a consolidation strategy to consolidate some sections of the Left. And it seems the only chance of political survival in this scenario. Some other people would argue that as 4 years ago is "least worst option," the great weakness is that this is not if you want a strategy of consolidation of democratic forces gradually, while "stop the rise of the forces more conservative right. " Some other sectors likely to get more benefits for your membership and dues power.
Rethinking the left from the unit
Is this the solution? "Joining a project such as the UNE is beneficial to the Left? We always exceed the joint and we turn to activism, but the severity of the situation requires more careful thinking. The state of the left party politics, marginal and almost missing have to do with the impossibility that we had to build an alternative that is able to bring all left and democratic.
share the view of Marta Harnecker (xi) that crisis has three aspects-the theoretical, programmatic and organic-that must be overcome.
The theoretical crisis being experienced by the left, have to do with the schemes used for the analysis of reality, they were automatically imported in the past, the prevailing approach of the class struggle, where the working class would be leading the fight against capitalism and imperialism. The analysis of the scope of racism and patriarchy as systems of domination that potentiate each other, is still quite behind. Besides the absurdity remains that continue to exclude very important sectors as indigenous people, women or youth, except for considering them as a potential electoral base.
South Winds: everything that happens in Bolivia, Ecuador and Venezuela, give us the ability to think from a context similar to ours: they are driven alternative efforts within the rules of bourgeois democracy and social movements . Many of these proposals have been made with the participation of Guatemalan movement, participating in networks, alliances and continental meetings of indigenous peoples, women, environmentalists, etc. We could say that some of the basic program that will give meaning to the project has been generating and arguing from the rural sectors, indigenous, feminist, proposals such as food sovereignty, the struggle for rights and immigrant advocacy of land and territory against agribusiness and mega-projects, and other forms of dispossession and accumulation of capital, the struggle for independence, the construction of multinational states, feminist democracy are some of these alternatives.
This should lead us to think about the subject that will drive the project to enable a real alternative in this context and the elements we have for consolidation. What do these elections strategic sense and the real possibilities to provide first steps.
other words, we must overcome the partisan logic of thinking in terms of seats or spaces in public affairs to propose a long-term project in which the election is just one of the tracks, and perhaps not most important. Until there is a strong political subject, with long-term project that includes strategies for short and medium term it may get a few things, maybe some progress, but not build any alternative that is counter-hegemonic.
One possibility would be to think of a face again with unit characteristics, which can read the potential and options that have existed in the local resistance and various organizational expressions of indigenous peoples, the women's movement and society to be mobilized.
That is, build political power and social force to strengthen the political subject, no avant-garde pretensions. A project that involves thinking about the cultural and symbolic transformation to erode racism and patriarchy. To transform. This objective can not be achieved by voluntarism and spontaneous, and calling for unity by the urgency of the electoral situation. "In real politik must oppose a policy which, while being realistic without denying reality, you create the conditions for conversion. "(xii) In making alliances, should be fully aware of the process on which to build thinking is key.
These partnerships must be the result of collective discussion and conscious and not a few people, negotiated by the left, organizations or communities. URNG, the ANN, New Republic Movement should finally be able to read reality beyond them. The election is barely a step in the strategy. Those of us outside these areas, the effort is similar, must necessarily be collective.
And this should happen, to tune the critical lens, supported by appropriate history and a reading of reality. Review and overcome great difficulties weights and internal political practices that have put the kibosh on the project left as inclusive and representative of the needs of the majority. While not renewed, not just the leadership but his thinking, as women, indigenous peoples and youth are also excluded from major of the left, the panorama, is becoming darker and more complex.
is possible in the new scene to recover the dreams of living a more just society. But this requires opening the debate political, generate critical political thinking attitude that allows us to rethink our struggles and take firm steps in the construction of a new possibility that we articulate.
(i) Regalado, Roberto. And disagreements of the Latin American left. Ocean Press and Ocean Sur. 2008.
(ii) Sader, Emir. El Nuevo Topo, the ways of the Latin American left. CLACSO. Twenty First Century Publishers. SA 2009.
(iii) September 10, 2006.
(iv) This characterization is the director of the Institute of National Studies of the University of San Carlos de Guatemala, Adrián Zapata.
(v) To deepen and understand the alliances and interests of different sectors see the items in Luis Solano Circles of power in the government of Alvaro Colom and National Unity of Hope (UNE) and Fernando Solís "The government of Alvaro Colom's National Unity for Hope (UNE): A political reading" The Observer No. 11 and 12. February-April 2008.
(vi) Ibarra, Figueroa. "On the Threshold of postneoliberalism? Left government in Latin America. F & G Editores. FLACSO - Guatemala. 2010.
(vii) Ibid.
(viii) Monsanto, Pablo. Prepares the oligarchic right way. Guatemala, April 6, 2010.
(ix) Ibarra, Figueroa. "On the Threshold of postneoliberalism? Left government in Latin America. F & G Editores. FLACSO - Guatemala. 2010
(x) Press Bureau Unitary Left. A male and female workers. May 1, 2010.
(xi) Harnecker, Marta. Left at the threshold of the XXI Century, Making the impossible possible. Spain's Siglo XXI editors. SA 2000.
Tuesday, March 15, 2011
Ms Saga Infinite Ecap Action Replay
Femicide in GUATEMALA: Impunity TIMELINE
M aria Isabel Veliz Franco was kidnapped and murdered in December 2001 when he was 15. His body ravaged by multiple rape and torture, was abandoned in a vacant lot. This case is not isolated. Is one among the more than five thousand violent deaths of women that have run in less than a decade in Guatemala, a country where impunity rates reach 98%, according to the International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala.
Mercedes Hernández * - Photo: Walter Astrada ** - Feminicidio.net - 10/03/2011 
Old forms of femicide are fed new modalities and motivations
Where once the productive capacity of women was exploited in the estates of the colonists and the natives settled in Guatemala, now it is no less by the heirs of these or by new vendors of employment in factories and domestic work, where women are interchangeable parts and bodies that can be accessed easily sexually, always interchangeable with similar characteristics. Also criminal economy makes women selling products as well as use them as cheaper labor. Thousands of women are converted each year in goods market of prostitution, also tax collectors of war established by the gangs, drug carriers, in uteri producing children for adoption (most of them illegal) and is well and other providers of their own bodies. 
femicide Policy: institutionalized misogyny, by act or omission
Arbitrary choice-not innocent of making information public and politicized, on the contrary, censorship is invisible and , functions as the set of "non-legal codes to which a subject is not recognized as the same has to conform." (Alicia Miyares. 2008). The information withheld by the State of Guatemala is a hidden subtext, common to many other countries, which reveals that the hegemony of male power is crumbling because women occupy more and in different ways, public space. According Giovana Lemus, director of the Guatemalan Women's Group: "These state resistance are evident when there is a direct rejection to put gender equality as one of the key elements of the political agenda." This unfinished agenda voluntarily pending institutionalized misogyny practiced from the sectors of power.
source: Femicide. Net 
M aria Isabel Veliz Franco was kidnapped and murdered in December 2001 when he was 15. His body ravaged by multiple rape and torture, was abandoned in a vacant lot. This case is not isolated. Is one among the more than five thousand violent deaths of women that have run in less than a decade in Guatemala, a country where impunity rates reach 98%, according to the International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala.
Mercedes Hernández * - Photo: Walter Astrada ** - Feminicidio.net - 10/03/2011
This reality, usually silenced and hidden behind the scene of daily violence, misogyny and reveal the enormous operational capacity of the murderers, hint that remain to be tried or punished. But increasingly, thanks to the voices of hundreds of activists, a question is in the air: Why these men are organized to torture and kill women in the form more merciless as possible and then expose their bodies in certain areas?
start Answers arise from chronological analysis determined by two essential points: the first is described by the term itself femicide, which the author defines as Lagarde "a breakdown of the rule of law that encourages impunity" . The second is that any authoritarian ideological system and patriarchy is-needs to impose its tenets as unquestionable truths. According
Walda Barrios, academic and activist for the rights of women in Guatemala , traditionally, most women have been regarded as the property of a man : father, husband, father, brother, boyfriend religious authority or any male who has been delegated to his tutelage. These are legitimate social guardians and-sometimes-legally to decide on the productive and reproductive behavior, sexual access and other roles of women that they consider theirs. This sense of ownership has meant that, as throughout the world, "the house is the most dangerous place for women" because indoors also decides on life and death.
In recent years violence against women has been orchestrated as a weapon of terror used by criminal groups to intimidate the population. In the women's bodies pacts have been sealed with blood and have sent multiple messages to groups enemies and the inhabitants of the disputed territories . In these cases, the links between the perpetrators and the victims have been non-existent: "What is new is that it has depersonalized murder, both for the victims as compared to their murderers." (Rosa Cobo, 2009).
Historically
these crimes, and its use as a war strategy, have an important precedent in the internal armed conflict that ravaged Guatemala for almost 40 years where he was declared the State itself to women as the enemy within . In the bodies of indigenous women's speech was signed power groups , and they settled the defeat and the sacrifice of the Maya people, ordered from the highest leadership of the State.
The past is not decoupled from this
Despite the alarming figures present, have been an ongoing femicide in Guatemala. The objectification of women's bodies have become the norm and never historical exception, as argued by the anthropologist Marcela Gereda "before their bodies were invaded and pregnant with white fur, and Europe. They were then mobilized, trucks, such as livestock, and exploited to cut the large coffee fincas (...). In the eighties their bodies were, in many cases, slaughtered, burned or disappeared by the Army. "
As Catherine Mackinnon says, there have been times of peace for women . The pre-Columbian American patriarchy followed the forms of subordination based on racial domination imposed by the English invasion. Landa Diego around 1562, who spent his old age to study the Mayan culture, perhaps to try to retrieve the information they had destroyed in his time as an inquisitor, he wrote in his memoirs: "Formerly married 20 years and now 12 or 13; given that the English killed their own, starting (the Indians) to mistreat and even kill them. "
In recent years violence against women has been orchestrated as a weapon of terror used by criminal groups to intimidate the population. In the women's bodies pacts have been sealed with blood and have sent multiple messages to groups enemies and the inhabitants of the disputed territories . In these cases, the links between the perpetrators and the victims have been non-existent: "What is new is that it has depersonalized murder, both for the victims as compared to their murderers." (Rosa Cobo, 2009).
Historically
these crimes, and its use as a war strategy, have an important precedent in the internal armed conflict that ravaged Guatemala for almost 40 years where he was declared the State itself to women as the enemy within . In the bodies of indigenous women's speech was signed power groups , and they settled the defeat and the sacrifice of the Maya people, ordered from the highest leadership of the State.
The past is not decoupled from this
Despite the alarming figures present, have been an ongoing femicide in Guatemala. The objectification of women's bodies have become the norm and never historical exception, as argued by the anthropologist Marcela Gereda "before their bodies were invaded and pregnant with white fur, and Europe. They were then mobilized, trucks, such as livestock, and exploited to cut the large coffee fincas (...). In the eighties their bodies were, in many cases, slaughtered, burned or disappeared by the Army. "
As Catherine Mackinnon says, there have been times of peace for women . The pre-Columbian American patriarchy followed the forms of subordination based on racial domination imposed by the English invasion. Landa Diego around 1562, who spent his old age to study the Mayan culture, perhaps to try to retrieve the information they had destroyed in his time as an inquisitor, he wrote in his memoirs: "Formerly married 20 years and now 12 or 13; given that the English killed their own, starting (the Indians) to mistreat and even kill them. "
During the internal armed conflict, government forces used sexual violence as a tactic of individual and collective extermination. As in other genocides, sexual violence was a recurrent practice to subject peoples and opposing sides through the body of his wives, with the connivance of the leadership of the Government . The study Breaking the Silence (2006), Consortium agents of change, reflected in many communities the soldiers raped the massacre survivors after men, while other women were publicly raped and tortured before their families and the people before being killed. In communities where men had fled or been killed, some widows and orphans remained for years as sex slaves for the commanders of the Army and Civil Defence Patrols (PAC): "They not only arrived but set up a task and all we were leaving the widows, and executed because they killed our husbands do not know where, we were forced to go to feed them. We were put into groups to take turns, to lunch and after satisfying all imposed on us we were raped one by one ". (Testimony one of the survivors before the Court of Conscience Against Sexual Violence in Armed Conflict. March 2010).
sexual violence was a mass practice, systematic and planned within the state's counterinsurgency strategy and directed particularly against the indigenous population during the scorched earth policy (1982-1983). According to the Commission for Historical Clarification (CEH), 99% of victims were women, of which 88.7% were Mayan . Their bodies were practiced all kinds of sexual humiliation designed to "boost the morale of the troops." There is sufficient evidence to determine with certainty and clarity the chain of command worked at all times. Kate Doyle as shown in his analysis of Operation Sofia, a military offensive by the army of Guatemala in the Ixil area (consisting of three municipalities, Nebaj, Chajul Cotzal and in the department of Quiché) between July and August 1982, In order to exterminate the Indians and considered subversive in the area: "The actions of the soldiers in the field were a direct result of orders from superior officers and not only began operations under his command but also the continued very caring, they learned everything in real time, sent new instructions during operations were met by troops. In short, they had total control over their development as took place. "
The conclusions of the Court of Conscience declared: "The rape was committed in conjunction with any other serious crimes such as genocide and other crimes against the duties of humanity." These facts directly attributable to the State because they were made by public officials or employees and state agencies, military and civilians, who were delegated, de jure or de facto, the power to act on their behalf. However, sexual violence was a state policy that most analysis has been reduced and misinterpreted as an isolated incident committed by military officers in pursuit of pleasure.
After 36 years of armed conflict that claimed over 200,000 lives and led to the diaspora of more than half a million people, was the long awaited signing of the Peace Accords in 1996. However, the executioners benefited from legal and social norms that may well be considered the end point and have allowed a single one of the authors, intellectuals or materials of these crimes has been prosecuted or punished.
sexual violence was a mass practice, systematic and planned within the state's counterinsurgency strategy and directed particularly against the indigenous population during the scorched earth policy (1982-1983). According to the Commission for Historical Clarification (CEH), 99% of victims were women, of which 88.7% were Mayan . Their bodies were practiced all kinds of sexual humiliation designed to "boost the morale of the troops." There is sufficient evidence to determine with certainty and clarity the chain of command worked at all times. Kate Doyle as shown in his analysis of Operation Sofia, a military offensive by the army of Guatemala in the Ixil area (consisting of three municipalities, Nebaj, Chajul Cotzal and in the department of Quiché) between July and August 1982, In order to exterminate the Indians and considered subversive in the area: "The actions of the soldiers in the field were a direct result of orders from superior officers and not only began operations under his command but also the continued very caring, they learned everything in real time, sent new instructions during operations were met by troops. In short, they had total control over their development as took place. "
The conclusions of the Court of Conscience declared: "The rape was committed in conjunction with any other serious crimes such as genocide and other crimes against the duties of humanity." These facts directly attributable to the State because they were made by public officials or employees and state agencies, military and civilians, who were delegated, de jure or de facto, the power to act on their behalf. However, sexual violence was a state policy that most analysis has been reduced and misinterpreted as an isolated incident committed by military officers in pursuit of pleasure.
After 36 years of armed conflict that claimed over 200,000 lives and led to the diaspora of more than half a million people, was the long awaited signing of the Peace Accords in 1996. However, the executioners benefited from legal and social norms that may well be considered the end point and have allowed a single one of the authors, intellectuals or materials of these crimes has been prosecuted or punished.
Old forms of femicide are fed new modalities and motivations
Where once the productive capacity of women was exploited in the estates of the colonists and the natives settled in Guatemala, now it is no less by the heirs of these or by new vendors of employment in factories and domestic work, where women are interchangeable parts and bodies that can be accessed easily sexually, always interchangeable with similar characteristics. Also criminal economy makes women selling products as well as use them as cheaper labor. Thousands of women are converted each year in goods market of prostitution, also tax collectors of war established by the gangs, drug carriers, in uteri producing children for adoption (most of them illegal) and is well and other providers of their own bodies.
Today, these national and multinational corporations are constituted by organized crime groups in certain sectors of the traditional Guatemalan oligarchy, the police and the army, and even members of some political parties. women's bodies are destroyed and exhibited as a mechanism for dialogue between direct and indirect recipients "of the disputed areas , messages sent through lethality and misogyny charged and proven by the author or authors of these crimes against women. Torture
that were made publicly during the armed conflict and that did not end with death, for prohibiting the burial of the bodies and displayed in view of the whole community, are practices used in the same way in conflict between gangs and other criminal groups today. Today, the revenues obtained through sexual terrorism remain the conquest of territory, the loss enemy morale through the repositories of family honor or group, the dialogue and cohesion of the criminal brotherhoods through blood pacts where young girls and women who dare to leave their homes and occupy public space as María Isabel, are killed every day.
silence and impunity travel times as guardians of the status quo
that were made publicly during the armed conflict and that did not end with death, for prohibiting the burial of the bodies and displayed in view of the whole community, are practices used in the same way in conflict between gangs and other criminal groups today. Today, the revenues obtained through sexual terrorism remain the conquest of territory, the loss enemy morale through the repositories of family honor or group, the dialogue and cohesion of the criminal brotherhoods through blood pacts where young girls and women who dare to leave their homes and occupy public space as María Isabel, are killed every day.
silence and impunity travel times as guardians of the status quo
transmission of knowledge and mastery over their own bodies and their sexuality they have been historically denied to women, using this imposition of silence as collateral of not knowing (Consortium agent of change. 2010). Ignorance of their sexuality has turned women into lifelong learners and administrators subordinate teaching of sex and female body who has delegated his tutelage . This ignorance, perversely used as synonymous with innocence, contains a subtext of free access to female bodies and ability to hide and shield the crimes they committed. For this reason, breaking the silence is extremely dangerous to the status quo since, as argued by Ana Carcedo, "can subvert the dependency that links the subjection and obedience to the supreme power."
The state-sponsored impunity, making full use of silence and concealment of information essential to the management and treatment of violence femicide remains a constant.
The state-sponsored impunity, making full use of silence and concealment of information essential to the management and treatment of violence femicide remains a constant.
information is not accurate, even on the number of women murdered each year. According to the expert Hilda Morales, director of the Office of Victim Assistance of the Public Ministry, " there is irresponsibility of the State as to provide reliable statistical figures . The Law Against Femicide and Other Forms of Violence against Women establishes the National System of Information on Violence Against Women, but still (the state) does not provide statistics and each institution-INACIF, MP, PNC, individually OJ-information continues. " Also, Morales, when asked about the cause of the difference between the total numbers of women killed by civil registered against the state, says: "The figures cited by women's organizations do not agree with the state, probably because those of the women are not included injuries and later died in hospital. "
Carlos Castresana, former director of the International Commission against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG), said in his speech at The Court of Conscience: " Impunity is an invitation to repeat the crimes . The crimes are crimes not punished sooner or later are repeated. (...) With the crimes of armed conflict is the same. If the people who committed such abuses during the armed conflict have not been punished, they are free and continue to abuse. "
femicide Policy: institutionalized misogyny, by act or omission
Arbitrary choice-not innocent of making information public and politicized, on the contrary, censorship is invisible and , functions as the set of "non-legal codes to which a subject is not recognized as the same has to conform." (Alicia Miyares. 2008). The information withheld by the State of Guatemala is a hidden subtext, common to many other countries, which reveals that the hegemony of male power is crumbling because women occupy more and in different ways, public space. According Giovana Lemus, director of the Guatemalan Women's Group: "These state resistance are evident when there is a direct rejection to put gender equality as one of the key elements of the political agenda." This unfinished agenda voluntarily pending institutionalized misogyny practiced from the sectors of power.
latest political projects have yielded, never easy, some of the pressures of organized groups of civil society women, who in the past 25 years have driven most of the legislation on violence against women, including their own law against femicide and the creation of organisms that make up the institutions for women. And the repeal of laws such as allowing the rapist to marry his victim, if this was more than twelve years, to "repair damage. "
Violence against women increases in scenarios where the state is weak. In Guatemala, a major cause of that erosion has been privatization, many government bonds have been transferred, either implicitly or explicitly and formally, at the hands of individuals and groups of people outside official circles. As Naomi Klein explains, with structural attacks have been avoiding or minimizing certain features that states historically have been met, including hold the monopoly of violence and protect its members . This loss of function has contributed to state the emergence and proliferation of mafias and private market for homeland security. A lot of state officials, meanwhile, is a resource embedded in the State / private criminal groups. "The National Civil Police is now considered the main source of human rights violations." (Yakin Ertürk. 2006).
Privatization also acts as a shield of femicide when allowed and encouraged to be silenced, and thus depoliticized, turning them into sex crimes. In a country where sex is still the great taboo, is not least for those who formulated the rules of law and the imagination of the operators in chain of justice or for the look of the media producing, in most cases, the sexualization of these crimes. This privatization joins the circle of families of victims and society in general, they hope to talk as little as possible of sexual harassment and prefer to keep this information in the strictest privacy to avoid a penalty that is preying social with the victims, even after his death. "Nothing is as difficult as talking about rape committed against a child. Only his absence and the impunity of his death is a bigger pain, "said Rosa Franco, mother of Mary Isabel.
femicidal policies converge on institutional collapse boxes where the state is responsible for the crimes misogynist: a share, when its agents executed the murders of women, and by default when no policies are implemented to prevent, punish and eradicate violence against women. femicide policy becomes constant neglect of the will to truth and objectivity that should govern research . The State has abdicated the scientific and ethical reasons as the basis of theoretical analysis that should reflect reality and politicize it, as the only way to de-privatize-and start building legal categories, types of crime and effective and efficient policies against violence femicide.
Ending impunity generated by the policies femicidal requires dismantling mechanisms of silence: the debates should be open about using women's bodies as Rita Segato has called "the language of femicide" or what Victoria Sanford discussed how the threats against an individual or group through the body of the women around them. To combat impunity for violence femicide is necessary to understand that violence on the bodies of women "especially in war zones, but not sexual violence sexual violence means ". Monárrez Julia, who is devoted to analyzing the murders of women for more than ten years, says: "To understand how they arise femicide is essential to understand theoretically how the politics of sexuality in the patriarchal system" and what are the mechanisms that generate these sexualized forms of aggression, which must be de-privatized to unravel the identities of the factions that dominate the courts in dispute, whose superiority is settled through joint crime against humanity that culminated in the murder of girls and women like Maria Isabel were used to deliver a message that, after nine years, the Guatemalan justice system could not decipher, let alone punish those who issued it through the destruction of his body and his murder.
Violence against women increases in scenarios where the state is weak. In Guatemala, a major cause of that erosion has been privatization, many government bonds have been transferred, either implicitly or explicitly and formally, at the hands of individuals and groups of people outside official circles. As Naomi Klein explains, with structural attacks have been avoiding or minimizing certain features that states historically have been met, including hold the monopoly of violence and protect its members . This loss of function has contributed to state the emergence and proliferation of mafias and private market for homeland security. A lot of state officials, meanwhile, is a resource embedded in the State / private criminal groups. "The National Civil Police is now considered the main source of human rights violations." (Yakin Ertürk. 2006).
Privatization also acts as a shield of femicide when allowed and encouraged to be silenced, and thus depoliticized, turning them into sex crimes. In a country where sex is still the great taboo, is not least for those who formulated the rules of law and the imagination of the operators in chain of justice or for the look of the media producing, in most cases, the sexualization of these crimes. This privatization joins the circle of families of victims and society in general, they hope to talk as little as possible of sexual harassment and prefer to keep this information in the strictest privacy to avoid a penalty that is preying social with the victims, even after his death. "Nothing is as difficult as talking about rape committed against a child. Only his absence and the impunity of his death is a bigger pain, "said Rosa Franco, mother of Mary Isabel.
femicidal policies converge on institutional collapse boxes where the state is responsible for the crimes misogynist: a share, when its agents executed the murders of women, and by default when no policies are implemented to prevent, punish and eradicate violence against women. femicide policy becomes constant neglect of the will to truth and objectivity that should govern research . The State has abdicated the scientific and ethical reasons as the basis of theoretical analysis that should reflect reality and politicize it, as the only way to de-privatize-and start building legal categories, types of crime and effective and efficient policies against violence femicide.
Ending impunity generated by the policies femicidal requires dismantling mechanisms of silence: the debates should be open about using women's bodies as Rita Segato has called "the language of femicide" or what Victoria Sanford discussed how the threats against an individual or group through the body of the women around them. To combat impunity for violence femicide is necessary to understand that violence on the bodies of women "especially in war zones, but not sexual violence sexual violence means ". Monárrez Julia, who is devoted to analyzing the murders of women for more than ten years, says: "To understand how they arise femicide is essential to understand theoretically how the politics of sexuality in the patriarchal system" and what are the mechanisms that generate these sexualized forms of aggression, which must be de-privatized to unravel the identities of the factions that dominate the courts in dispute, whose superiority is settled through joint crime against humanity that culminated in the murder of girls and women like Maria Isabel were used to deliver a message that, after nine years, the Guatemalan justice system could not decipher, let alone punish those who issued it through the destruction of his body and his murder.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)