In Albedrio.org
The political moment we are experiencing is so complex that we need a collective effort to create spaces that allow us to reflection, debate and action policy. The latest political and social events in the country have demonstrated the contradictions within the ruling bloc, while demonstrations and new forms of organization - community, women, peasants, have a potential to take into account to recover the dreams and think about building an alternative. But first we have to fine tune the lens critical of our practice
Where did we come?
The rise of revolutionary movements in the region resulted in 80 in Guatemala with a fierce policy of "state terrorism" that led to the most cruel application of counterinsurgency policies and war crimes, with the systematic disappearance of social leaders, indigenous peoples complete. The defeat "election" of the Sandinista Revolution and the signing of peace accords in Guatemala and El Salvador supposed demobilization of the revolutionary movement under the "replacement military dictatorships with democracies national security restricted subject to transnational mechanisms of domination. "(i)
Thus, the Guatemalan left, like the rest in Latin America, faced the reality of failure of Soviet socialism and impact of the implementation of the neoliberal model. As a result, in the words of Eric Hobsbawm, generated an ideological crisis that Emir Sader called "the greatest contemporary historical drama" by the apparent scope of capitalism and the decline in the possibilities of constructing an alternative for overcoming it.
Failure in the electoral arena
The possibility that the party (or parties) of the left, to become the alternative project that was intended, seems now almost impossible. An account of the performance of the turnout in the 1995 elections, 1999, 2003 and 2007 shows that the political party as a chance to promote a political project that represents the needs of the people, has not worked.
The period begins with the end of the war and the "incorporation" with the law, was full of confusion .- There was little political or ideological certainties on how would the conditions for the struggle in the new scenario. Guidance to shape the party, the Guatemalan National Revolutionary Unity-URNG was without reading the successes and failures of the previous period, with the turnout of New Guatemala Democratic Front-FDNG, "that would enable critical reflection on how to deal with voter turnout at a disadvantage to meet "the two central pillars of the dominant system, the neoliberal model and U.S. imperial hegemony." (Ii)
What has led to the left to the margins? The causes are multiple, hence the need to think from the story. But now, it is necessary to take stock of efforts to drive.
The "Call for the establishment of the Political Front - Left Social - FPSI" (iii) in September 2006, signed by over 200 people was an effort to build a force that brought together the political left and the social left, as an indispensable step for attaining unity, regain his identity and renew their thinking. This effort became the Broad Movement of Left-CORN-made up of representatives of sectors, women, indigenous peoples, youth. But there was no possibility, nor will conditions for renewal. Began to identify old practices such as authoritarianism, warlordism, sectarianism, the compromises and the conspiracy did not recognize feminism, indigenous peoples and youth as a major force within the Left. The dynamics are reduced to struggles to get some nominations.
The result was the weakening of the original effort that could become an alternative to foster a long term project. Corn was the hegemony of the URNG, which legalized as political association. Some time later there were efforts to revive the spirit on the FPSI emerged, there were some meetings, but failed to bear fruit.
UNE, the left and the upcoming elections
The deepening economic crisis, compounded the already precarious condition of the country, passing through a period of strong instability, which characterizes the dispute power for control of the state, business and capital gains between the traditional and the emerging mafia. (iv) These sectors are moving within all right-wing parties. The government of Colombia does not escape largely represent the interests of these sectors. (V) speech it uses and the impulse of some welfare programs could be said that "it is to the left of the neoliberal right business or counter the neoliberal right. (vi) But shares in the economic and social place their project as" accumulation capitalist benefit emerging business sectors with which it identifies (vii). "To defend not hesitate to resort to repression and military and police control the state of prevention in San Marcos or San Juan militarization Sacatepéquez.
In this new scenario, the electoral situation is we open the debate on the possible ways to advance a project that may, in the long term consolidation as an alternative. Already beginning to be felt, the polarizing discourse that characterized this process as well as the forces and the powers behind every one of the most important alternatives.
Among the forces that constitute the heterogeneity of the current government is a group of people from the Left, which "accompany the first lady, introducing political and ideological elements of popular content and make party activities a view to electoral success. Some of them are involved in the conduct of cohesion mechanisms social, but fail to prevent those who do get stuck with a portion of what they deliver. "(viii) The presence corresponds to a trend that has been observed in the last three governments, to introduce elements from left to legitimize . In this case, we can talk about pre-election negotiations, from the race the UNE established links with the Unit for Trade Union and Popular Action (UASP) and the National Assembly of the Magisterium and was tacitly supported by the Collective of Social Organizations (COS). ( ix) Then organizations like the Movement of Social Organizations of Guatemala - MOSGUA-supported so-called national dialogue.
Now, ahead of elections, the political left, represented by URNG, ANN, the collective "Red Carnation" and called the Guatemalan Labor Party, have formed the Committee Unitary Left, where they called on "all grassroots organizations that share the same goal, to overcome the differences that separate them and form a United Front Great for sovereignty, equality and social justice. "(x) On the other hand, there is the New Republic Movement, identified as" the new left "of democratic and revolutionary character, who want to become a party.
probably the objectives of these efforts are geared towards building electoral alliances with the UNE, probably as a consolidation strategy to consolidate some sections of the Left. And it seems the only chance of political survival in this scenario. Some other people would argue that as 4 years ago is "least worst option," the great weakness is that this is not if you want a strategy of consolidation of democratic forces gradually, while "stop the rise of the forces more conservative right. " Some other sectors likely to get more benefits for your membership and dues power.
Rethinking the left from the unit
Is this the solution? "Joining a project such as the UNE is beneficial to the Left? We always exceed the joint and we turn to activism, but the severity of the situation requires more careful thinking. The state of the left party politics, marginal and almost missing have to do with the impossibility that we had to build an alternative that is able to bring all left and democratic.
share the view of Marta Harnecker (xi) that crisis has three aspects-the theoretical, programmatic and organic-that must be overcome.
The theoretical crisis being experienced by the left, have to do with the schemes used for the analysis of reality, they were automatically imported in the past, the prevailing approach of the class struggle, where the working class would be leading the fight against capitalism and imperialism. The analysis of the scope of racism and patriarchy as systems of domination that potentiate each other, is still quite behind. Besides the absurdity remains that continue to exclude very important sectors as indigenous people, women or youth, except for considering them as a potential electoral base.
South Winds: everything that happens in Bolivia, Ecuador and Venezuela, give us the ability to think from a context similar to ours: they are driven alternative efforts within the rules of bourgeois democracy and social movements . Many of these proposals have been made with the participation of Guatemalan movement, participating in networks, alliances and continental meetings of indigenous peoples, women, environmentalists, etc. We could say that some of the basic program that will give meaning to the project has been generating and arguing from the rural sectors, indigenous, feminist, proposals such as food sovereignty, the struggle for rights and immigrant advocacy of land and territory against agribusiness and mega-projects, and other forms of dispossession and accumulation of capital, the struggle for independence, the construction of multinational states, feminist democracy are some of these alternatives.
This should lead us to think about the subject that will drive the project to enable a real alternative in this context and the elements we have for consolidation. What do these elections strategic sense and the real possibilities to provide first steps.
other words, we must overcome the partisan logic of thinking in terms of seats or spaces in public affairs to propose a long-term project in which the election is just one of the tracks, and perhaps not most important. Until there is a strong political subject, with long-term project that includes strategies for short and medium term it may get a few things, maybe some progress, but not build any alternative that is counter-hegemonic.
One possibility would be to think of a face again with unit characteristics, which can read the potential and options that have existed in the local resistance and various organizational expressions of indigenous peoples, the women's movement and society to be mobilized.
That is, build political power and social force to strengthen the political subject, no avant-garde pretensions. A project that involves thinking about the cultural and symbolic transformation to erode racism and patriarchy. To transform. This objective can not be achieved by voluntarism and spontaneous, and calling for unity by the urgency of the electoral situation. "In real politik must oppose a policy which, while being realistic without denying reality, you create the conditions for conversion. "(xii) In making alliances, should be fully aware of the process on which to build thinking is key.
These partnerships must be the result of collective discussion and conscious and not a few people, negotiated by the left, organizations or communities. URNG, the ANN, New Republic Movement should finally be able to read reality beyond them. The election is barely a step in the strategy. Those of us outside these areas, the effort is similar, must necessarily be collective.
And this should happen, to tune the critical lens, supported by appropriate history and a reading of reality. Review and overcome great difficulties weights and internal political practices that have put the kibosh on the project left as inclusive and representative of the needs of the majority. While not renewed, not just the leadership but his thinking, as women, indigenous peoples and youth are also excluded from major of the left, the panorama, is becoming darker and more complex.
is possible in the new scene to recover the dreams of living a more just society. But this requires opening the debate political, generate critical political thinking attitude that allows us to rethink our struggles and take firm steps in the construction of a new possibility that we articulate.
(i) Regalado, Roberto. And disagreements of the Latin American left. Ocean Press and Ocean Sur. 2008.
(ii) Sader, Emir. El Nuevo Topo, the ways of the Latin American left. CLACSO. Twenty First Century Publishers. SA 2009.
(iii) September 10, 2006.
(iv) This characterization is the director of the Institute of National Studies of the University of San Carlos de Guatemala, Adrián Zapata.
(v) To deepen and understand the alliances and interests of different sectors see the items in Luis Solano Circles of power in the government of Alvaro Colom and National Unity of Hope (UNE) and Fernando Solís "The government of Alvaro Colom's National Unity for Hope (UNE): A political reading" The Observer No. 11 and 12. February-April 2008.
(vi) Ibarra, Figueroa. "On the Threshold of postneoliberalism? Left government in Latin America. F & G Editores. FLACSO - Guatemala. 2010.
(vii) Ibid.
(viii) Monsanto, Pablo. Prepares the oligarchic right way. Guatemala, April 6, 2010.
(ix) Ibarra, Figueroa. "On the Threshold of postneoliberalism? Left government in Latin America. F & G Editores. FLACSO - Guatemala. 2010
(x) Press Bureau Unitary Left. A male and female workers. May 1, 2010.
(xi) Harnecker, Marta. Left at the threshold of the XXI Century, Making the impossible possible. Spain's Siglo XXI editors. SA 2000.
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